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medios periodismo slipups tv twitter

El gran impostor de Twitter

Twitter esta plagado de fakes, personalidades falsas que se hacen pasar por verdaderas. En una categoría estan los fakes irónicos, delirantes, mordaces: no pretenden confundir a los lectores, sino burlarse de quienes imitan. Después están los que ocupan el nombre del famoso, pero no usan la cuenta (el falso Jorge Rial jamás tuiteó, pero tiene casi 7000 seguidores). Y por último, están aquellos que podríamos llamar «impostores», se hacen pasar por el famoso imitando su estilo.

En este tercer grupo, el líder en Argentina es indiscutiblemente el usuario @victorhugo590. Las razones por las que recibiría el premio al mejor estafador son varias. Para empezar, consiguió tener 71.871 seguidores al momento de escribir esto, casi la misma cantidad que los 79.977 followers de @vh590, la verdadera cuenta de Víctor Hugo Morales.

Si se busca en Google la frase Victor Hugo Morales en Twitter, ¡aparece primero el fake y después el verdadero!

Otra razón es que cada vez que @vh590 dice cuál es su verdadera cuenta, @victorhugo590 responde con mensajes como este

http://twitter.com/victorhugo590/status/63743221884399616

Tuvo, incluso, una pelea con el verdadero Martín Caparrós de Twitter:

http://twitter.com/victorhugo590/status/71689938810322944

(¡retuiteado por 47 personas!)


https://twitter.com/victorhugo590/status/71721456005939200

Pero lo más divertido es cuando los medios tradicionales, subidos a la moda de la notuitcia, toman por declaraciones del relator uruguayo, tuiteos de su imitador. Hace un tiempo cayeron, de un saque, Jorge Rial, Mirtha Legrand y Duro de Domar (a partir del minuto 2:46):

Y ahora acaba de caer la agencia Noticias Argentinas (click en la imagen para ampliar):

con este tuit, retuiteado por 19 incautos:

http://twitter.com/victorhugo590/status/76377841826144256

¿Qué está esperando el verdadero Víctor Hugo Morales para verificar su cuenta y denunciar a la falsa?¿O quiere que pensemos que el fake es él mismo tuiteando lo que no se anima a decir en la cuenta oficial?

ACTUALIZACIÓN: Juan Pablo Mansilla agrega dos casos más, uno de ellos aparecido en Clarín.

Categorías
cultura leyes medios moda politica

La semana de la salud

En la semana que se consagró la ley seca de cigarrilos, los celulares cancerígenos y los saleros asesinos, viene bien rescatar esta columna para Noticias que escribí con Jorge Bernárdez hace unos años:
La dieta sana de hoy te matará mañana

Esta semana los medios se hicieron eco de un estudio que afirmaba que comer pocas grasas no evita el cáncer ni las enfermedades cardíacas. Cada tanto nos desayunamos (valga la expresión) con la novedad de que ese alimento que veníamos evitando ahora es bueno y que aquél con el que nos atiborrábamos pensando que consumiéndolo viviríamos 104 años, de repente se ha vuelto un asesino letal.

Una persona cuya dieta incluyera pizza, vino y chocolate está, según los cánones clásicos de la buena salud, más cerca de terminar como Homero Simpson que como Ova Sabatini.

Sin embargo, según un estudio realizado en Italia, comer frecuentemente pizza puede prevenir distintos tipos de cáncer.

Las noticias también nos informan que la teobromina presente en el chocolate es mucho más efectiva en la prevención de la tos que la sustancia usada comúnmente para combatirla: la codeína. Y parece que los flavonoides contenidos en el chocolate nos defienden frente a las enfermedades cardiovasculares.

Beber vino tinto, por otro lado, protege contra el cáncer de pulmón. Y diarios y revistas nos revelan que una o dos copas de vino diarias disminuyen el riesgo de enfermedades cardiovasculares.

La dieta del Dr Atkins en los setenta era la panacea para todos aquellos que sumaban kilos de más. Luego pasó a ser la perdición para la gente con excesos de triglicéridos. Atkins terminó sus días apaleado por los colegios de medicina. Hoy, sin embargo, su apellido ha sido reivindicado. Aunque claro, eso al doctor ya no le sirve de nada.

Basta esperar unos años y seguramente encontraremos nuevas refutaciones y nuevos hallazgos. Hoy, ¿el huevo es bueno o es malo para la salud? ¿La carne vacuna es letal para nosotros, además de serlo para nuestras cuentas bancarias?

Las apologías y las condenas de los alimentos no son sólo un tema cíclico. Basta poner en Google cualquier comida y la palabra salud para encontrar conviviendo a cientos de páginas a favor y en contra.

¿Qué actitud tomar frente a estas alertas y revelaciones?¿Seguir comiendo como hasta ahora o atiborrarnos con lasagna si un estudio nos promete que comiéndola tendremos menos caspa?

Estos trabajos, además, siempre provienen de ignotas casas de estudio ubicadas en territorios lejanos cómo Wichita o Wyoming e invariablemente contienen frases que ponen una distancia considerable y advierten que “la investigación está en su fase preliminar” y que “es prematuro hacer proyecciones”, etc. Además, ¿quién va a ir a reclamar a la Universidad de Pittsburgh porque dijeron que la carne de caballo frenaba la diarrea?

Probablemente los que hoy dirigen estudios sobre alimentos que prolongan la vida ya estarán muertos cuando tengan que dar explicaciones. Algo que, a la larga, por otro lado, nos pasará a todos.

Categorías
bloguitos

Naomi Klein on how corporate branding has taken over America – The Guardian

Ten years after the publication of No Logo, Naomi Klein switches her attention from the mall to Barack Obama and discovers that corporate culture has taken over the US government

Barack Obama Inaugural Memorabilia

Brand Obama: wristwatches with the image of President-elect Barack Obama and his family, December 2008. Photograph: Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

In May 2009, Absolut Vodka launched a limited edition line called «Absolut No ­Label». The company’s global public relations manager, Kristina Hagbard, explained that «For the first time we dare to face the world completely naked. We launch a bottle with no label and no logo, to manifest the idea that no matter what’s on the outside, it’s the inside that really matters.»

A few months later, Starbucks opened its first unbranded coffee shop in Seattle, called 15th Avenue E Coffee and Tea. This «stealth Starbucks» (as the anomalous outlet immediately became known) was decorated with «one-of-a-kind» fixtures and customers were invited to bring in their own music for the stereo system as well as their own pet social causes – all to help develop what the company called «a community personality.» Customers had to look hard to find the small print on the menus: «inspired by Starbucks». Tim Pfeiffer, a Starbucks senior vice-president, explained that unlike the ordinary Starbucks outlet that used to occupy the same piece of retail space, «This one is definitely a little neighbourhood coffee shop.» After spending two decades blasting its logo on to 16,000 stores worldwide, Starbucks was now trying to escape its own brand.

Clearly the techniques of branding have both thrived and adapted since I published No Logo. But in the past 10 years I have written very little about developments like these. I realised why while reading William Gibson’s 2003 novel Pattern Recognition. The book’s protagonist, Cayce Pollard, is allergic to brands, particularly Tommy Hilfiger and the Michelin man. So strong is this «morbid and sometimes violent reactivity to the semiotics of the marketplace» that she has the buttons on her Levi’s jeans ground smooth so that there are no corporate markings. When I read those words, I immediately realised that I had a similar affliction. As a child and teenager I was almost obsessively drawn to brands. But writing No Logo required four years of total immersion in ad culture – four years of watching and rewatching Super Bowl ads, scouring Advertising Age for the latest innovations in corporate synergy, reading soul-destroying business books on how to get in touch with your personal brand values, making excursions to Niketowns, to monster malls, to branded towns.

Some of it was fun. But by the end, it was as if I had passed some kind of threshold and, like Cayce, I developed something close to a brand allergy. Brands lost most of their charm for me, which was handy because once No Logo was a bestseller, even drinking a Diet Coke in public could land me in the gossip column of my hometown newspaper.

The aversion extended even to the brand that I had accidentally created: No Logo. From studying Nike and Starbucks, I was well acquainted with the basic tenet of brand management: find your message, trademark and protect it and repeat yourself ad nauseam through as many synergised platforms as possible. I set out to break these rules whenever the opportunity arose. The offers for No Logo spin-off projects (feature film, TV series, clothing line . . .) were rejected. So were the ones from the megabrands and cutting-edge advertising agencies that wanted me to give them seminars on why they were so hated (there was a career to be made, I was learning, in being a kind of anti-corporate dominatrix, making overpaid executives feel good by telling them what bad, bad brands they were). And against all sensible advice, I stuck by the decision not to trademark the title (that means no royalties from a line of Italian No Logo food products, though they did send me some lovely olive oil).

Most important to my marketing detox program, I changed the subject. Less than a year after No Logo came out I put a personal ban on all talk of corporate branding. In interviews and public appearances I would steer discussion away from the latest innovation in viral marketing and Prada’s new superstore and towards the growing resistance movement against corporate rule, the one that had captured world attention with the militant protests against the World Trade Organisation in Seattle. «But aren’t you your own brand?» clever interviewers would ask me endlessly. «Probably,» I would respond. «But I try to be a really crap one.»

Changing the subject from branding to politics was no great sacrifice because politics was what brought me to marketing in the first place. The first articles I published as a journalist were about the limited job options available to me and my peers – the rise of short-term contracts and McJobs, as well as the ubiquitous use of sweatshop labour to produce the branded gear sold to us. As a token «youth columnist», I also covered how an increasingly voracious marketing culture was encroaching on previously protected non-corporate spaces – schools, museums, parks – while ideas that my friends and I had considered radical were absorbed almost instantly into the latest marketing campaigns for Nike, Benetton and Apple.

I decided to write No Logo when I realised these seemingly disparate trends were connected by a single idea – that corporations should produce brands, not products. This was the era when corporate epiphanies were striking CEOs like lightning bolts from the heavens: Nike isn’t a running shoe company, it is about the idea of transcendence through sports, Starbucks isn’t a coffee shop chain, it’s about the idea of community. Down on earth these epiphanies meant that many companies that had manufactured their products in their own factories, and had maintained large, stable workforces, embraced the now ubiquitous Nike model: close your factories, produce your products through an intricate web of contractors and subcontractors and pour your resources into the design and marketing required to project your big idea. Or they went for the Microsoft model: maintain a tight control centre of shareholder/employees who perform the company’s «core competency» and outsource everything else to temps, from running the mailroom to writing code. Some called these restructured companies «hollow corporations» because their goal seemed to be to transcend the corporeal world of things so they could be an utterly unencumbered brand. As corporate guru Tom Peters put it: «You’re a damn fool if you own it!»

For me, the appeal of X-raying brands such as Nike or Starbucks was that pretty soon you were talking about everything except marketing – from how products are made in the deregulated global supply chain to industrial agriculture and commodity prices. Next thing you knew you were also talking about the nexus of politics and money that locked in these wild-west rules through free-trade deals and at the WTO, and made following them the precondition of receiving much-needed loans from the International Monetary Fund. In short, you were talking about how the world works.

By the time No Logo came out, the movement was already at the gates of the powerful institutions that were spreading corporatism around the world. Tens and then hundreds of thousands of demonstrators were making their case outside trade summits and G8 meetings from Seattle to New Delhi, in several cases stopping new agreements in their tracks. What the corporate media insisted on calling the «anti-globalisation movement» was nothing of the sort. At the reformist end it was anti-corporate; at the radical end it was anti-capitalist. But what made it unique was its insistent internationalism. All of these developments meant that when I was on a book tour, there were many more interesting things to talk about than logos – such as where this movement came from, what it wanted and whether there were viable alternatives to the ruthless strain of corporatism that went under the innocuous pseudonym of «globalisation».

In recent years, however, I have found myself doing something I swore I had finished with: rereading the branding gurus quoted in the book. This time, however, it wasn’t to try to understand what was happening at the mall but rather at the White House – first under the presidency of George W Bush and now under Barack Obama, the first US president who is also a ­superbrand.

There are many acts of destruction for which the Bush years are rightly reviled – the illegal invasions, the defiant defences of torture, the tanking of the global economy. But the administration’s most lasting legacy may well be the way it systematically did to the US government what branding-mad CEOs did to their companies a decade earlier: it hollowed it out, handing over to the private sector many of the most essential functions of government, from protecting borders to responding to disasters to collecting intelligence. This hollowing out was not a side project of the Bush years, it was a central mission, reaching into every field of governance. And though the Bush clan was often ridiculed for its incompetence, the process of auctioning off the state, leaving behind only a shell – or a brand – was approached with tremendous focus and precision.

One company that took over many services was Lockheed Martin, the world’s largest defence contractor. «Lockheed Martin doesn’t run the United Slates,» observed a 2004 New York Times exposé. «But it does help run a breathtakingly big part of it . . . It sorts your mail and totals your taxes. It cuts Social Security cheques and counts the United States census. It runs space flights and monitors air traffic. To make all that happen, Lockheed writes more computer code than Microsoft.»

No one approached the task of auctioning off the state with more zeal than Bush’s much-maligned defence secretary, Donald Rumsfeld. Having spent 20-odd years in the private sector, Rumsfeld was steeped in the corporate culture of branding and outsourcing. His department’s brand identity was clear: global dominance. The core competency was combat. For everything else, he said (sounding very much like Bill Gates), «We should seek suppliers who can provide these non-core activities efficiently and ­effectively.»

The laboratory for this radical vision was Iraq under US occupation. From the start Rumsfeld planned the troop deployment like a Wal-Mart vice-president looking to shave a few more hours from the payroll. The generals wanted 500,000 troops, he would give them 200,000, with contractors and reservists filling the gaps as needed – a just-in-time invasion. In practice, this strategy meant that as Iraq spiralled out of US control, an ever-more elaborate privatised war industry took shape to prop up the bare-bones army. Blackwater, whose original contract was to provide bodyguards for US envoy Paul Bremer, soon took on other functions, including engaging in combat in a battle with the Mahdi army in 2004. The sprawling Green Zone, meanwhile, was run as a corporate city-state, with everything from food to entertainment to pest control handled by Halliburton. Just as companies such as Nike and Microsoft had pioneered the hollow corporation, this was, in many ways, a hollow war. And when one of the contractors screwed up – Blackwater operatives opening fire in Baghdad’s Nisour Square in 2007, for instance, leaving 17 people dead, or Halliburton allegedly supplying contaminated water to soldiers – the Bush administration was free to deny responsibility. Blackwater, which had prided itself on being the Disney of mercenary companies, complete with a line of branded clothing and Blackwater teddy bears, responded to the scandals by – what else? – rebranding. Its new name is Xe Services.

The Bush administration’s determination to mimic the hollow corporations it admired extended to its handling of the anger its actions inspired around the world. Rather than actually changing or even adjusting its policies, it launched a series of ill-fated campaigns to «rebrand America» for an increasingly hostile world. Watching these cringeful attempts, I was convinced that Price Floyd, former director of media relations at the State Department, had it right. After resigning in frustration, he said that the United States was facing mounting anger not because of the failure of its messaging but because of the failure of its policies. «I’d be in meetings with other public-affairs officials at State and the White House,» Floyd told Slate magazine. «They’d say: ‘We need to get our people out there on more media.’ I’d say: ‘It’s not so much the packaging, it’s the substance that’s giving us trouble.'» A powerful, imperialist country is not like a hamburger or a running shoe. America didn’t have a branding problem; it had a product problem.

I used to think that, but I may have been wrong. When Obama was sworn in as president, the American brand could scarcely have been more battered – Bush was to his country what New Coke was to Coca-Cola, what cyanide in the bottles had been to Tylenol. Yet Obama, in what was perhaps the most successful rebranding campaign of all time, managed to turn things around. Kevin Roberts, global CEO of Saatchi & Saatchi, set out to depict visually what the new president represented. In a full-page graphic commissioned by the stylish Paper Magazine, he showed the Statue of Liberty with her legs spread, giving birth to Barack Obama. America, reborn.

So, it seemed that the United States government could solve its reputation problems with branding – it’s just that it needed a branding campaign and product spokesperson sufficiently hip, young and exciting to compete in today’s tough market. The nation found that in Obama, a man who clearly has a natural feel for branding and who has surrounded himself with a team of top-flight marketers. His social networking guru, for instance, is Chris Hughes, one of the young founders of Facebook. His social secretary is Desirée Rogers, a glamorous Harvard MBA and former marketing executive. And David Axelrod, Obama’s top adviser, was formerly a partner in ASK Public Strategies, a PR firm which, according to Business Week, «has quarterbacked campaigns» for everyone from Cable­vision to AT&T. Together, the team has marshalled every tool in the modem marketing arsenal to create and sustain the Obama brand: the perfectly calibrated logo (sunrise over stars and stripes); expert viral marketing (Obama ringtones); product placement (Obama ads in sports video games); a 30-minute infomercial (which could have been cheesy but was universally heralded as «authentic»); and the choice of strategic brand alliances (Oprah for maximum reach, the Kennedy family for gravitas, and no end of hip-hop stars for street cred).

The first time I saw the «Yes We Can» video, the one produced by Black Eyed Peas front man will.i.am, featuring celebrities speaking and singing over a Martin Luther Kingesque Obama speech, I thought: finally, a politician with ads as cool as Nike. The ad industry agreed. A few weeks before he won the presidential elections, Obama beat Nike, Apple, Coors and Zappos to win the Association of National Advertisers’ top annual award – Marketer of the Year. It was certainly a shift. In the 1990s, brands upstaged politics completely. Now corporate brands were rushing to piggyback on Obama’s caché (Pepsi’s «Choose Change» campaign, Ikea’s «Embrace Change ’09» and Southwest Airlines’ offer of «Yes You Can» tickets).

Indeed everything Obama and his family touches turns to branding gold. J Crew saw its stock price increase 200% in the first six months of Obama’s presidency, thanks in part to Michelle’s well known fondness for the brand. Obama’s much-discussed attachment to his BlackBerry has been similarly good news for Research In Motion. The surest way to sell magazines and newspapers in these difficult times is to have an Obama on the cover, and you only need to call three ounces of vodka and some fruit juice an Obamapolitan or a Barackatini and you can get $15 for it, easy. In February 2009, Portfolio magazine put the size of «the Obama economy» – the tourism he generates and the swag he inspires – at $2.5bn. Not at all bad in an economic crisis. Rogers got into trouble with some of her colleagues when she spoke too frankly with The Wall Street Journal. «We have the best brand on earth: the Obama brand,» she said. «Our possibilities are endless.»

The exploration of those possibilities did not end, or even slow, with the election victory. Bush had used his ranch in Crawford, Texas, as a backdrop to perform his best impersonation of the Marlboro man, forever clearing brush, having cookouts and wearing cowboy boots. Obama has gone much further, turning the White House into a kind of never-ending reality show starring the lovable Obama clan. This too can be traced to the mid-90s branding craze, when marketers grew tired of the limitations of traditional advertising and began creating three-dimensional «experiences» – branded temples where shoppers could crawl inside the personality of their favourite brands. The problem is not that Obama is using the same tricks and tools as the superbrands; anyone wanting to move the culture these days pretty much has to do that. The problem is that, as with so many other lifestyle brands before him, his actions do not come close to living up to the hopes he has raised.

Though it’s too soon to issue a verdict on the Obama presidency, we do know this: he favours the grand symbolic gesture over deep structural change every time. So he will make a dramatic announcement about closing the notorious Guantánamo Bay prison – while going ahead with an expansion of the lower profile but frighteningly lawless Bagram prison in Afghanistan, and opposing accountability for Bush officials who authorised torture. He will boldly appoint the first Latina to the Supreme Court, while intensifying Bush-era enforcement measures in a new immigration crackdown. He will make investments in green energy, while championing the fantasy of «clean coal» and refusing to tax emissions, the only sure way to substantially reduce the burning of fossil fuels. Most importantly, he will claim to be ending the war in Iraq, and will retire the ugly «war on terror» phrase – even as the conflicts guided by that fatal logic escalate in Afghanistan and Pakistan.

This preference for symbols over substance, and this unwillingness to stick to a morally clear if unpopular course, is where Obama decisively parts ways with the transformative political movements from which he has borrowed so much (the pop-art posters from Che, his cadence from King, his «Yes We Can!» slogan from the migrant farmworkers – si se puede). These movements made unequivocal demands of existing power structures: for land distribution, higher wages, ambitious social programmes. Because of those high-cost demands, these movements had not only committed followers but serious enemies. Obama, in sharp contrast not just to social movements but to transformative presidents such as FDR, follows the logic of marketing: create an appealing canvas on which all are invited to project their deepest desires but stay vague enough not to lose anyone but the committed wing nuts (which, granted, constitute a not inconsequential demographic in the United States). Advertising Age had it right when it gushed that the Obama brand is «big enough to be anything to anyone yet had an intimate enough feel to inspire advocacy». And then their highest compliment: «Mr Obama somehow managed to be both Coke and Honest Tea, both the megabrand with the global awareness and distribution network and the dark-horse, upstart niche player.»

Another way of putting it is that Obama played the anti-war, anti-Wall Street party crasher to his grassroots base, which imagined itself leading an insurgency against the two-party ­monopoly through dogged organisation and donations gathered from lemonade stands and loose change found in the crevices of the couch. Meanwhile, he took more money from Wall Street than any other presidential candidate, swallowed the Democratic party establishment in one gulp after defeating Hillary Clinton, then pursued «bipartisanship» with crazed Republicans once in the White House.

Does Obama’s failure to live up to his lofty brand cost him? It didn’t at first. An international study by Pew’s Global Attitudes Project, conducted five months after he took office, asked people whether they were confident Obama would «do the right thing in world affairs». Even though there was already plenty of evidence that Obama was continuing many of Bush’s core international policies (albeit with a far less arrogant style), the vast majority said they approved of Obama – in Jordan and Egypt, a fourfold increase from the Bush era. In Europe the change in attitude could give you whiplash: Obama had the confidence of 91% of French respondents and 86% of Britons – compared with 13% and 16% respectively under Bush. The poll was proof that «Obama’s presidency essentially erased the battering the US’s image took during eight years of the Bush administration,» according to USA Today. Axelrod put it like this: «What has happened is that anti-­Americanism isn’t cool anymore.»

That was certainly true, and had very real consequences. Obama’s election and the world’s corresponding love affair with his rebranded America came at a crucial time. In the two months before the election, the financial crisis rocking world markets was being rightly blamed not just on the contagion of Wall Street’s bad bets but on the entire economic model of deregulation and privatisation that had been preached from US-dominated institutions such as the IMF and the WTO. If the United States were led by someone who didn’t happen to be a global superstar, US prestige would have continued to plummet and the rage at the economic model at the heart of the global meltdown would likely have turned into sustained demands for new rules to rein in (and seriously tax) speculative finance.

Those rules were supposed to have been on the agenda when G20 leaders met at the height of the economic crisis in London in April 2009. Instead, the press focused on excited sightings of the fashionable Obama couple, while world leaders agreed to revive the ailing IMF – a chief culprit in this mess – with up to a trillion dollars in new financing. In short, Obama didn’t just rebrand America, he resuscitated the neoliberal economic project when it was at death’s door. No one but Obama, wrongly perceived as a new FDR, could have pulled it off.

Yet rereading No Logo after 10 years provides many reminders that success in branding can be fleeting, and that nothing is more fleeting than the quality of being cool. Many of the superbrands and branded celebrities that looked untouchable not so long ago have either faded or are in deep crisis today. The Obama brand could well suffer a similar fate. Of course many people supported Obama for straightforward strategic reasons: they rightly wanted the Republicans out and he was the best candidate. But what will happen when the throngs of Obama faithful realise that they gave their hearts not to a movement that shared their deepest values but to a devoutly corporatist political party, one that puts the profits of drug companies before the need for affordable health care, and Wall Street’s addiction to financial bubbles before the needs of millions of people whose homes and jobs could have been saved with a better bailout?

The risk – and it is real – is that the response will be waves of bitter cynicism, particularly among the young people for whom the Obama campaign was their first taste of politics. Most won’t switch parties, they’ll just do what young people used to do during elections: stay home, tune out. Another, more hopeful possibility is that Obamamania will end up being what the US president’s advisers like to call «a teachable moment». Obama is a gifted politician with a deep intelligence and a greater inclination towards social justice than any leader of his party in recent memory. If he cannot change the system in order to keep his election promises, it’s because the system itself is utterly broken.

It was a conversation about changing the system that many of us were having in the brief period between the anti-WTO protests in Seattle in November 1999 and the beginning of the so-called war on terror. For the movement the media insisted on calling «anti-globalisation,» it mattered little which political party happened to be in power in our respective countries. We were focused squarely on the rules of the game, and how they had been distorted to serve the narrow interests of corporations at every level of ­governance – from international free-trade agreements to local water privatisation deals.

Looking back, what I liked most was the unapologetic wonkery of it all. In the two years after No Logo came out, I went to dozens of teach-ins and conferences, some of them attended by thousands of people, that were exclusively devoted to popular education about the inner workings of global finance and trade. It was as if people understood, all at once, that gathering this knowledge was crucial to the survival not just of democracy but of the planet. Yes, this was complicated, but we embraced that complexity because we were finally looking at systems, not just symbols.

In some parts of the world, particularly Latin America, that wave of resistance spread and strengthened. In some countries, social movements grew strong enough to join with political parties, winning national elections and beginning to forge a new regional fair-trade regime. But elsewhere, September 11 pretty much blasted the movement out of existence. What we knew about the sophistication of global corporatism – that all the world’s injustice could not be blamed on one rightwing political party, or on one ­nation, no matter how powerful – seemed to disappear.

If there was ever a time to remember the lessons we learned at the turn of the millennium, it is now. One benefit of the international failure to regulate the financial sector, even after its catastrophic collapse, is that the economic model that dominates around the world has revealed itself not as «free market» but «crony capitalist» – politicians handing over public wealth to private players in exchange for political support. What used to be politely hidden is all out in the open now. Correspondingly, public rage at corporate greed is at its highest point not just in my lifetime but in my parents’ lifetime as well. Many of the points supposedly marginal activists were making in the streets 10 years ago are now the accepted wisdom of cable news talk shows and mainstream op-ed pages.

And yet missing from this populist moment is what was beginning to emerge a decade ago: a movement that did not just respond to individual outrages but had a set of proactive demands for a more just and sustainable economic model. In the United States and many parts of Europe, it is far-right parties and even neofascism that are giving the loudest voice to anti-­corporatist rage.

Personally, none of this makes me feel betrayed by Barack Obama. Rather I have a familiar ambivalence, the way I used to feel when brands like Nike and Apple started using revolutionary imagery in their transcendental branding campaigns. All of their high-priced market research had found a longing in people for something more than shopping – for social change, for public space, for greater equality and diversity. Of course the brands tried to exploit that longing to sell lattes and laptops. Yet it seemed to me that we on the left owed the marketers a debt of gratitude for all this: our ideas weren’t as passé as we had been told. And since the brands couldn’t fulfill the deep desires they were awakening, social movements had a new impetus to try.

Perhaps Obama should be viewed in much the same way. Once again, the market research has been done for us. What the election and the global embrace of Obama’s brand proved decisively is that there is a tremendous appetite for progressive change – that many, many people do not want markets opened at gunpoint, are repelled by torture, believe passionately in civil liberties, want corporations out of politics, see global warming as the fight of our time, and very much want to be part of a political project larger than themselves.

Those kinds of transformative goals are only ever achieved when independent social movements build the ­numbers and the organisational power to make muscular demands of their elites. Obama won office by ­capitalising on our profound nostalgia for those kinds of social movements. But it was only an echo, a memory. The task ahead is to build movements that are – to borrow an old Coke slogan – the real thing. As Studs Terkel, the great oral historian, used to say: «Hope has never trickled down. It has always sprung up.»

 

Categorías
bloguitos

Martin Amis escribe sobre Christopher Hitchens

Martin Amis escribió en The Observer una pieza llamada He’s one of the most terrifying rhetoricians the world has seen sobre Christopher Hitchens: 

Spontaneous eloquence seems to me a miracle,» confessed Vladimir Nabokov in 1962. He took up the point more personally in his foreword to Strong Opinions (1973): «I have never delivered to my audience one scrap of information not prepared in typescript beforehand … My hemmings and hawings over the telephone cause long-distance callers to switch from their native English to pathetic French.»At parties, if I attempt to entertain people with a good story, I have to go back to every other sentence for oral erasures and inserts … nobody should ask me to submit to an interview … It has been tried at least twice in the old days, and once a recording machine was present, and when the tape was rerun and I had finished laughing, I knew that never in my life would I repeat that sort of performance.»

We sympathise. And most literary types, probably, would hope for inclusion somewhere or other on Nabokov’s sliding scale: «I think like a genius, I write like a distinguished author, and I speak like a child.»

Mr Hitchens isn’t like that. Christopher and His Kind runs the title of one of Isherwood’s famous memoirs. And yet this Christopher doesn’t have a kind. Everyone is unique – but Christopher is preternatural. And it may even be that he exactly inverts the Nabokovian paradigm. He thinks like a child (that is to say, his judgments are far more instinctive and moral-visceral than they seem, and are animated by a child’s eager apprehension of what feels just and true); he writes like a distinguished author; and he speaks like a genius.

As a result, Christopher is one of the most terrifying rhetoricians that the world has yet seen. Lenin used to boast that his objective, in debate, was not rebuttal and then refutation: it was the «destruction» of his interlocutor. This isn’t Christopher’s policy – but it is his practice. Towards the very end of the last century, all the greatest chessplayers, including Garry Kasparov, began to succumb to a computer (named Deep Blue); I had the opportunity to ask two grandmasters to describe the Deep Blue experience, and they both said: «It’s like a wall coming at you.» In argument, Christopher is that wall. The prototype of Deep Blue was known as Deep Thought. And there’s a case for calling Christopher Deep Speech. With his vast array of geohistorical references and precedents, he is almost Google-like; but Google (with, say, its 10 million «results» in 0.7 seconds) is something of an idiot savant, and Christopher’s search engine is much more finely tuned. In debate, no matter what the motion, I would back him against Cicero, against Demosthenes.

Whereas mere Earthlings get by with a mess of expletives, subordinate clauses, and finely turned tautologies, Christopher talks not only in complete sentences but also in complete paragraphs. Similarly, he is an utter stranger to what Diderot called l’esprit de l’escalier: the spirit of the staircase. This phrase is sometimes translated as «staircase wit» – far too limitingly, in my view, because l’esprit de l’escalier describes an entire stratum of one’s intellectual and emotional being. The door to the debating hall, or to the contentious drinks party, or indeed to the little flat containing the focus of amatory desire, has just been firmly closed; and now the belated eureka shapes itself on your lips. These lost chances, these unexercised potencies of persuasion, can haunt you for a lifetime – particularly, of course, when the staircase was the one that might have led to the bedroom.

As a young man, Christopher was conspicuously unpredatory in the sexual sphere (while also being conspicuously pan-affectionate: «I’ll just make a brief pass at everyone,» he would typically and truthfully promise a mixed gathering of 14 or 15 people, «and then I’ll be on my way»). I can’t say how it went, earlier on, with the boys; with the girls, though, Christopher was the one who needed to be persuaded. And I do know that in this area, if in absolutely no other, he was sometimes inveigled into submission.

The habit of saying the right thing at the right time tends to get relegated to the category of the pert riposte. But the put-down, the swift comeback, when quoted, gives a false sense of finality. So-and-so, as quick as a flash, said so-and-so – and that seems to be the end of it. Christopher’s most memorable rejoinders, I have found, linger, and reverberate, and eventually combine, as chess moves combine. One evening, close to 40 years ago, I said: «I know you despise all sports – but how about a game of chess?» Looking mildly puzzled and amused, he joined me over the 64 squares. Two things soon emerged. First, he showed no combative will, he offered no resistance (because this was play, you see, and earnest is all that really matters). Second, he showed an endearing disregard for common sense. This prompts a paradoxical thought.

There are many excellent commentators, in the US and the UK, who deploy far more rudimentary gumption than Christopher ever bothers with (we have a deservedly knighted columnist in London whom I always think of, with admiration, as Sir Common Sense). But it is hard to love common sense. And the salient fact about Christopher is that he is loved. What we love is fertile instability; what we love is the agitation of the unexpected. And Christopher always comes, as they say, from left field. He is not a plain speaker. He is not, I repeat, a plain man.

Over the years Christopher has spontaneously delivered many dozens of unforgettable lines. Here are four of them:

1. He was on TV for the second or third time in his life (if we exclude University Challenge), which takes us back to the mid-1970s and to Christopher’s mid-twenties. He and I were already close friends (and colleagues at the New Statesman); but I remember thinking that nobody so matinee-telegenic had the right to be so exceptionally quick-tongued on the screen. At a certain point in the exchange, Christopher came out with one of his political poeticisms, an ornate but intelligible definition of (I think) national sovereignty. His host – a fair old bruiser in his own right – paused, frowned, and said with scepticism and with helpless sincerity, «I can’t understand a word you’re saying.»

«I’m not in the least surprised,» said Christopher, and moved on.

The talk ran its course. But if this had been a frontier western, and not a chat show, the wounded man would have spent the rest of the segment leerily snapping the arrow in half and pushing its pointed end through his chest and out the other side.

2. Every novelist of his acquaintance is riveted by Christopher, not just qua friend but also qua novelist. I considered the retort I am about to quote (all four words of it) so epiphanically devastating that I put it in a novel – indeed, I put Christopher in a novel. Mutatis mutandis (and it is the novel itself that dictates the changes), Christopher «is» Nicholas Shackleton in The Pregnant Widow – though it really does matter, in this case, what the meaning of «is» is… The year was 1981. We were in a tiny Italian restaurant in west London, where we would soon be joined by our future first wives. Two elegant young men in waisted suits were unignorably and interminably fussing with the staff about rearranging the tables, to accommodate the large party they expected. It was an intensely class-conscious era (because the class system was dying); Christopher and I were candidly lower-middle bohemian, and the two young men were raffishly minor-gentry (they had the air of those who await, with epic stoicism, the deaths of elderly relatives). At length, one of them approached our table, and sank smoothly to his haunches, seeming to pout out through the fine strands of his fringe. The crouch, the fringe, the pout: these had clearly enjoyed many successes in the matter of bending others to his will. After a flirtatious pause he said, «You’re going to hate us for this.»
And Christopher said, «We hate you already.»

3. In the summer of 1986, in Cape Cod, and during subsequent summers, I used to play a set of tennis every other day with the historian Robert Jay Lifton. I was reading, and then re-reading, his latest and most celebrated book, The Nazi Doctors; so, on Monday, during changeovers, we would talk about the chapter «Sterilisation and the Nazi Biomedical Vision»; on Wednesday, «‘Wild Euthanasia’: The Doctors Take Over»; on Friday, «The Auschwitz Institution»; on Sunday, «Killing with Syringes: Phenol Injections»; and so on. One afternoon, Christopher, whose family was staying with mine on Horseleech Pond, was due to show up at the court, after a heavy lunch in nearby Wellfleet, to be introduced to Bob (and to be driven back to the pond-front house). He arrived, much gratified by having come so far on foot: three or four miles – one of the greatest physical feats of his adult life. It was set point. Bob served, approached the net, and wrongfootingly dispatched my attempted pass. Now Bob was, and is, 23 years my senior; and the score was 6-0. I could, I suppose, plead preoccupation: that summer I was wondering (with eerie detachment) whether I had it in me to write a novel that dealt with the Holocaust. Christopher knew about this, and he knew about my qualms.

Elatedly towelling himself down, Bob said, «You know, there are so few areas of transcendence left to us. Sports. Sex. Art … »

«Don’t forget the miseries of others,» said Christopher. «Don’t forget the languid contemplation of the miseries of others.»

I did write that novel. And I still wonder whether Christopher’s black, three-ply irony somehow emboldened me to attempt it. What remains true, to this day, to this hour, is that of all subjects (including sex and art), the one we most obsessively return to is the Shoa, and its victims – those whom the wind of death has scattered.

4. In conclusion we move on to 1999, and by now Christopher and I have acquired new wives, and gained three additional children (making eight in all). It was mid-afternoon, in Long Island, and he and I hoped to indulge a dependable pleasure: we were in search of the most violent available film. In the end we approached a multiplex in Southampton (having been pitiably reduced to Wesley Snipes). I said, «No one’s recognised the Hitch for at least 10 minutes.»

Ten? Twenty minutes. Twenty-five. And the longer it goes on, the more pissed off I get. I keep thinking: What’s the matter with them? What can they feel, what can they care, what can they know, if they fail to recognise the Hitch?

An elderly American was sitting opposite the doors to the cinema, dressed in candy colours and awkwardly perched on a hydrant. With his trembling hands raised in an Italianate gesture, he said weakly, «Do you love us? Or do you hate us?»

This old party was not referring to humanity, or to the West. He meant America and Americans. Christopher said, «I beg your pardon?»

«Do you love us, or do you hate us?»

As Christopher pushed on through to the foyer, he said, not warmly, not coldly, but with perfect evenness, «It depends on how you behave.»

Does it depend on how others behave? Or does it depend, at least in part, on the loves and hates of the Hitch?

Christopher is bored by the epithet contrarian, which has been trailing him around for a quarter of a century. What he is, in any case, is an autocontrarian: he seeks, not only the most difficult position, but the most difficult position for Christopher Hitchens. Hardly anyone agrees with him on Iraq (yet hardly anyone is keen to debate him on it). We think also of his support for Ralph Nader, his collusion with the impeachment process of the loathed Bill Clinton (who, in Christopher’s new book, The Quotable Hitchens, occupies more space than any other subject), and his support for Bush-Cheney in 2004. Christopher often suffers for his isolations; this is widely sensed, and strongly contributes to his magnetism. He is in his own person the drama, as we watch the lithe contortions of a self-shackling Houdini. Could this be the crux of his charisma – that Christopher, ultimately, is locked in argument with the Hitch? Still, «contrarian» is looking shopworn. And if there must be an epithet, or what the press likes to call a (single-word) «narrative», then I can suggest a refinement: Christopher is one of nature’s rebels. By which I mean that he has no automatic respect for anybody or anything.

The rebel is in fact a very rare type. In my whole life I have known only two others, both of them novelists (my father, up until the age of about 45; and my friend Will Self). This is the way to spot a rebel: they give no deference or even civility to their supposed superiors (that goes without saying); they also give no deference or even civility to their demonstrable inferiors. Thus Christopher, if need be, will be merciless to the prince, the president, and the pontiff; and, if need be, he will be merciless to the cabdriver («Oh, you’re not going our way. Well turn your light off, all right? Because it’s fucking sickening the way you guys ply for trade»), to the publican («You don’t give change for the phone? OK, I’m going to report you to the Camden Consumer Council»), and to the waiter («Service is included, I see. But you’re saying it’s optional. Which? … What? Listen. If you’re so smart, why are you dealing them off the arm in a dump like this?»).

Christopher’s everyday manners are beautiful (and wholly democratic); of course they are – because he knows that in manners begins morality. But each case is dealt with exclusively on its merits. This is the rebel’s way.

It is for the most part an invigorating and even a beguiling disposition, and makes Mr Average, or even Mr Above Average (whom we had better start calling Joe Laptop), seem underevolved. Most of us shakily preside over a chaos of vestigial prejudices and pieties, of semi-subliminal inhibitions, taboos and herd instincts, some of them ancient, some of them spryly contemporary (like moral relativism and the ardent xenophilia which, in Europe at least, always excludes Israelis). To speak and write without fear or favour (to hear no internal drumbeat): such voices are invaluable. On the other hand, as the rebel is well aware, compulsive insubordination risks the punishment of self-inflicted wounds.

Let us take an example from Christopher’s essays on literature . In the last decade Christopher has written three raucously hostile reviews – of Saul Bellow’s Ravelstein (2000), John Updike’s Terrorist (2006), and Philip Roth’s Exit Ghost (2007). When I read them, I found myself muttering the piece of schoolmarm advice I have given Christopher in person, more than once: Don’t cheek your elders. The point being that, in these cases, respect is mandatory, because it has been earned, over many books and many years. Does anyone think that Saul Bellow, then aged 85, needed Christopher’s repeated reminders that the Bellovian powers were on the wane (and in fact, read with respect, Ravelstein is an exquisite swansong, full of integrity, beauty and dignity)? If you are a writer, then all the writers who have given you joy – as Christopher was given joy by Augie March and Humboldt’s Gift, for example, and by Updike’s The Coup, and by Roth’s Portnoy’s Complaint – are among your honorary parents; and Christopher’s attacks were coldly unfilial. Here, disrespect becomes the vice that so insistently exercised Shakespeare: that of ingratitude. And all novelists know, with King Lear (who was thinking of his daughters), how sharper than a serpent’s tooth it is to have a thankless reader.
Art is freedom; and in art, as in life, there is no freedom without law. The foundational literary principle is decorum, which means something like the opposite of its dictionary definition: «behaviour in keeping with good taste and propriety» (i.e., submission to an ovine consensus). In literature, decorum means the concurrence of style and content – together with a third element, which I can only vaguely express as earning the right weight. It doesn’t matter what the style is, and it doesn’t matter what the content is; but the two must concur. If the essay is something of a literary art, which it clearly is, then the same law obtains.

Here are some indecorous quotes from the The Quotable Hitchens. «Ronald Reagan is doing to the country what he can no longer do to his wife.» On the Chaucerian summoner-pardoner Jerry Falwell: «If you gave Falwell an enema, he’d be buried in a matchbox.» On the political entrepreneur George Galloway: «Unkind nature, which could have made a perfectly good butt out of his face, has spoiled the whole effect by taking an asshole and studding it with ill-brushed fangs.» The critic DW Harding wrote a famous essay called «Regulated Hatred». It was a study of Jane Austen. We grant that hatred is a stimulant; but it should not become an intoxicant.

The difficulty is seen at its starkest in Christopher’s baffling weakness for puns. This doesn’t much matter when the context is less than consequential (it merely grinds the reader to a temporary halt). But a pun can have no business in a serious proposition. Consider the following, from 2007: «In the very recent past, we have seen the Church of Rome befouled by its complicity with the unpardonable sin of child rape, or, as it might be phrased in Latin form, ‘no child’s behind left’.» Thus the ending of the sentence visits a riotous indecorum on its beginning. The great grammarian and usage-watcher Henry Fowler attacked the «assumption that puns are per se contemptible … Puns are good, bad, or indifferent … » Actually, Fowler was wrong. «Puns are the lowest form of verbal facility,»
Christopher elsewhere concedes. But puns are the result of an anti-facility: they offer disrespect to language, and all they manage to do is make words look stupid.

Now compare the above to the below – to the truly quotable Christopher. In his speech, it is the terse witticism that we remember; in his prose, what we thrill to is his magisterial expansiveness (the ideal anthology would run for several thousand pages, and would include whole chapters of his recent memoir, Hitch-22). The extracts that follow aren’t jokes or jibes. They are more like crystallisations – insights that lead the reader to a recurring question: If this is so obviously true, and it is, why did we have to wait for Christopher to point it out to us?

«There is, especially in the American media, a deep belief that insincerity is better than no sincerity at all.»

«One reason to be a decided antiracist is the plain fact that ‘race’ is a construct with no scientific validity. DNA can tell you who you are, but not what you are.»
«A melancholy lesson of advancing years is the realisation that you can’t make old friends.»
On gay marriage: «This is an argument about the socialisation of homosexuality, not the homosexualisation of society. It demonstrates the spread of conservatism, not radicalism, among gays.»

On Philip Larkin: «The stubborn persistence of chauvinism in our life and letters is or ought to be the proper subject for critical study, not the occasion for displays of shock.»

«[I]n America, your internationalism can and should be your patriotism.»

«It is only those who hope to transform human beings who end up by burning them, like the waste product of a failed experiment.»

«This has always been the central absurdity of ‘moral’, as opposed to ‘political’ censorship: If the stuff does indeed have a tendency to deprave and corrupt, why then the most depraved and corrupt person must be the censor who keeps a vigilant eye on it.»

And one could go on. Christopher’s dictum – «What can be asserted without evidence can be dismissed without evidence» – has already entered the language. And so, I predict, will this: «A Holocaust denier is a Holocaust affirmer.» What justice, what finality. Like all Christopher’s best things, it has the simultaneous force of a proof and a law.

«Is nothing sacred?» he asks. «Of course not.» And no westerner, as Ronald Dworkin pointed out, «has the right not to be offended». We accept Christopher’s errancies, his recklessnesses, because they are inseparable from his courage; and true valour, axiomatically, fails to recognise discretion. As the world knows, Christopher has recently made the passage from the land of the well to the land of the ill. One can say that he has done so without a visible flinch; and he has written about the process with unparalleled honesty and eloquence, and with the highest decorum. His many friends, and his innumerable admirers, have come to dread the tone of the «living obituary». But if the story has to end too early, then its coda will contain a triumph.

Christopher’s personal devil is God, or rather organised religion, or rather the human «desire to worship and obey». He comprehensively understands that the desire to worship, and all the rest of it, is a direct reaction to the unmanageability of the idea of death. «Religion,» wrote Larkin: «That vast moth-eaten musical brocade/ Created to pretend we never die …»

And there are other, unaffiliated intimations that the secular mind has now outgrown. «Life is a great surprise,» observed Nabokov (b. 1899). «I don’t see why death should not be an even greater one.» Or Bellow (b. 1915), in the words of Artur Sammler: «Is God only the gossip of the living? Then we watch these living speed like birds over the surface of a water, and one will dive or plunge but not come up again and never be seen any more … But then we have no proof that there is no depth under the surface. We cannot even say that our knowledge of death is shallow. There is no knowledge.»

Such thoughts still haunt us; but they no longer have the power to dilute the black ink of oblivion.
My dear Hitch: there has been much wild talk, among the believers, about your impending embrace of the sacred and the supernatural. This is of course insane. But I still hope to convert you, by sheer force of zealotry, to my own persuasion: agnosticism. In your seminal book, God Is Not Great, you put very little distance between the agnostic and the atheist; and what divides you and me (to quote Nabokov yet again) is a rut that any frog could straddle. «The measure of an education,» you write elsewhere, «is that you acquire some idea of the extent of your ignorance.» And that’s all that «agnosticism» really means: it is an acknowledgment of ignorance. Such a fractional shift (and I know you won’t make it) would seem to me consonant with your character – with your acceptance of inconsistencies and contradictions, with your intellectual romanticism, and with your love of life, which I have come to regard as superior to my own.

The atheistic position merits an adjective that no one would dream of applying to you: it is lenten. And agnosticism, I respectfully suggest, is a slightly more logical and decorous response to our situation – to the indecipherable grandeur of what is now being (hesitantly) called the multiverse. The science of cosmology is an awesome construct, while remaining embarrassingly incomplete and approximate; and over the last 30 years it has garnered little but a series of humiliations. So when I hear a man declare himself to be an atheist, I sometimes think of the enterprising termite who, while continuing to go about his tasks, declares himself to be an individualist. It cannot be altogether frivolous or wishful to talk of a «higher intelligence» – because the cosmos is itself a higher intelligence, in the simple sense that we do not and cannot understand it.
Anyway, we do know what is going to happen to you, and to everyone else who will ever live on this planet. Your corporeal existence, O Hitch, derives from the elements released by supernovae, by exploding stars. Stellar fire was your womb, and stellar fire will be your grave: a just course for one who has always blazed so very brightly. The parent star, that steady-state H-bomb we call the sun, will eventually turn from yellow dwarf to red giant, and will swell out to consume what is left of us, about six billion years from now.

 

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The wire (ahora desde dentro) – Quinta Temporada

 

Está mal que empiece un post hablando de mí mismo pero tengo que referirme a ello para explicar lo que viene a continuación. La semana pasada estuve en Florida, en un sitio pegajoso tocando a Tampa llamado St. Petersburg. No fui por vacaciones (soy más de frío) sino para una misión concreta: entrevistar a Dennis Lehane.

Lehane publica nuevo libro, La última causa perdida, en la que retoma a sus hijos literarios, dos detectives con poca paciencia y mal carácter. Los amantes del séptimo arte recordarán a la pareja, Gennaro y Kenzie, por aquella -estupenda- película llamada Adiós, pequeña, adiós, con la que Ben Affleck cerró muchas bocas (por no decir todas) demostrando que podía ser un director de cine. Uno de verdad. La película adaptaba a su vez otro libro de Lehane llamado (en España) Desapareció una noche, que fue publicado por RBA (como todos los demás).


 

Al grano que sino hay quejas.

Lehane, un señor de Boston, es un mito en el universo televisivo por su participación en The wire. De la serie no hay mucho que decir a estas alturas: probablemente la serie más discutida, alabada y revisionada de todos los tiempos; deliciosa de principio a fin, compleja, articulada, interpretada a coro sin ser coral y profundamente individual sin ser individualista. Un trabajo en equipo en el que cada uno se movió por su cuenta para acabar alcanzando el éxtasis por la mera fusión de reparto, guión y dirección. Un imposible disfrazado de sencillo.

Algo que nunca se había visto antes y que -difícilmente- se verá después (sí, The corner era excelente pero no es The wire; sí, Homicide era maravillosa pero no es The wire; Sí, Treme es fabulosa pero no es The wire). Tiempos diferentes, necesidades diferentes, ejecuciones diferentes.


  

Dicho esto y una vez en el terreno y con una copa de vino blanco en la mano era imposible no interrogar a Lehane sobre la serie en cuestión ya que él la vivió desde las tripas. Aclarar que el bostoniano escribió tres capítulos, uno de la tercera temporada, otro de la cuarta y otro de la quinta.

Os lo dejo en sus palabras:

«The wire… oh tío, esa serie me perseguirá mientras viva. La verdad es que no sé, cuando entré allí la serie, en la tercera temporada, no era ni fu-ni fa. Nadie la miraba y la presión era cero, la única presión que existía es la que nos metíamos nosotros mismos. Es más, antes de que se empezara a emitir la cuarta temporada (que como sabrás es la mejor de todas), David [Simon, creador de la serie] recibió una llamada de arriba diciéndole que si las críticas no eran la hostia que se olvidara de seguir con ello. Estábamos colgando de un hilo y si bien es cierto que algunos como Bill Keller [editor del New York Times] y algunos otros nos apoyaron la verdad es que no teníamos demasiadas esperanzas de seguir en antena. Ni siquiera sé como llegamos a la cuarta temporada. Lo demás se me escapa: fue un milagro. Cuando emitimos el primer capítulo de la cuarta nos cayó una marea de elogios, desde arriba nos dieron luz verde y allí empezó una nueva serie.

La gente no me cree pero The wire no empezó a ser The wire hasta ese momento. ¿Qué aprendí con The wire? La verdad fundamental de este negocio: puedes preocuparte de escribir o puedes preocuparte de ti y de tu ego. En aquella sala, con [George] Pelecanos, Richard [Price], Ed [Burns] y David [Simon] no había sitio para tonterías, podías meterte tu ego donde te cupiera porque aquellos tipos iban a machacártelo sin miramientos. Te lo digo: la sala de escritura de The wire era la guerra. Una guerra continua por mejorar, donde se peleaba a muerte por cada puto párrafo de cada guión. David no está para bromas y es uno de los tipos más focalizados que he visto en mi vida, cada palabra era importante y no podías juguetear ni hacer el tonto entre esas cuatro paredes. ¿Sabes de qué me acuerdo? De la primera vez que entré ahí y durante un par de días no logré entender de qué coño estaban hablando [Risas]. Así era The wire: indescifrable.

Creo que la serie tenía muy claro desde el inicio que su arco argumental abarcaba cinco temporadas. Se pensó así desde el inicio y tuvimos la inmensa fortuna de poder llevarlo a cabo. Ninguna serie debería durar más de cinco temporadas, después de eso pierden fuelle o se convierten en tonterías. Ejemplos los hay a millones. ¿Qué por qué The wire es tan especial? No lo sé tío, yo solo trabajé allí [Risas]».

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El primer póster que detecta cuando una persona lo mira

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periodismo digital politica

Nace una vedette

No sé si será un momento histórico o qué, pero en los rankings de las noticias más leídas de los principales diarios digitales figura la visita de Beatriz Sarlo en 678, a dos días de producirse:

En Clarín:
 

En Perfil:

En La Nación:

El fenómeno es curiosísimo. Para empezar, es una temática inusual de por sí: lo que rodea a la visita de una intelectual a un programa sobre medios. Pero además este tipo de noticias no suele trepar hasta los artículos con más lecturas. Lo excepcional continúa porque no hay una, sino tres de cinco noticias sobre el mismo tema en La Nación y cuatro de diez en Perfil en el listado de las que tuvieron más visitas. Y en el caso de La Nación dos de ellas superan a la de Juanita Viale, tema más nuevo y más masivo por decenas de razones.

En medios digitales, donde la norma para conseguir muchas páginas vistas dicta que hay que poner culos y tetas, un debate político demostró que hay otras opciones. Pero nosotros ya lo anticipamos hace cinco años, cuando propusimos una revista que, en lugar de mostrar cuerpos desnudos de mujeres como Playboy, mostrara mentes femeninas al desnudo. El título: «Ratones de Biblioteca». La chica de tapa: compruébenlo ustedes mismos.

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medios periodismo politica

Peor que la tapa en blanco

Con la tapa de hoy Clarín llegó a un nuevo piso, superando incluso a la tapa en blanco. La noticia principal de la tapa del diario y las primeras páginas está dedicada a la posible relación entre teléfonos celulares y cáncer. Bajo la etiqueta «Tema del día» (!) se destinan los espacios principales del medio a una verdadera no-ticia.

Para empezar, el tema no es novedoso. Año a año, como la noticia de que limpiarse los dientes hace bien al corazón, vuelve a aparecer algún estudio que da cuenta del vínculo celulares-cáncer. Para muestra, una nota de 2008 de Noticas y una de 2006 de… Clarín.

La redacción infla todo para justificar semejante espacio e importancia. Desde la volanta «Organización Mundial de la Salud», al título «a máximo nivel» hasta el copete («especialistas», «analizan estudios», «veredicto»), todo tiende a jerarquizar la noticia, ideal para un recuadro en Información General, pero absurda para una tapa y la apertura de un diario.

Pero lo peor es que tanta grandilocuencia no puede enmascarar lo condicional de la información. Detrás de las grandes palabras se esconden los potenciales: «posibles consecuencias», «… si puede traer», «no hay nada probado» y una frase que termina de aniquilar el tema del día: «Aunque con cautela, sostienen que nadie aportó evidencia científica».

Lo que termina de confundir todo más, es que se presenta como un debate: «discuten», «delibera». Es una investigación científica, no una reunión de consorcio. O provoca cáncer o no provoca cáncer, no es una polémica.

Tanto desquicio solo tiene una posible explicación. Y es la que daba hace unos días Diariosobrediarios, recapitulando que ya van un par de semanas sin tapas específicas contra el gobierno de Cristina.

Por eso, estén atentos a los próximos Temas del Día de Clarín: «Informe exclusivo del CGP 7 – Doña Lola, la verdulera, asegura que el peluquero sería rarito. El resto de los vecinos discuten que no hay nada probado, pero que es medio amanerado. En una semana dan su veredicto».

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Los buenos oficios de Ari Gold: cuando chocan fantasía y realidad

En Entourage, Mike Tyson está preocupado. Quiere encauzar su carrera y para eso le pide a Ari Gold, su representante, que le consiga «un programa de tv respetable», donde pueda lucirse:

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Y, meses más tarde, esto fue lo que Ari pudo encontrarle:

[media id=40 height=400 width=600]

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Adelanto revista MAD 509 – Junio 2011

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Adelanto revista MAD 503 – Mayo 2010
Adelanto revista MAD 504 – Agosto 2010
Adelanto revista MAD 505 – Octubre 2010
Adelanto revista MAD 506 – Diciembre 2010
Adelanto revista MAD 507 – Febrero 2011
Adelanto revista MAD 508 – Mayo 2011